{"id":28733,"date":"2025-10-07T19:51:03","date_gmt":"2025-10-07T17:51:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rhinosd.net\/?p=28733"},"modified":"2025-10-07T19:51:03","modified_gmt":"2025-10-07T17:51:03","slug":"al-hurra-report-reveals-irans-plans-to-establish-a-military-base-for-the-houthis-in-port-sudan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rhinosd.net\/?p=28733&lang=en","title":{"rendered":"Al-Hurra report reveals Iran’s plans to establish a military base for the Houthis in Port Sudan"},"content":{"rendered":"

Report: Al-Hurra<\/span><\/h1>\n

Planes landing at Port Sudan airport are not only carrying passengers and luggage; there are reports of shipments of drones and missiles. This is not just a scene from the war that has been raging in Sudan for more than two years; it goes far beyond that.<\/span><\/h1>\n

On September 12, 2025, the US State Department announced sanctions against Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim and the Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade. The decision brought to the forefront the growing relations between Tehran and the Sudanese Sovereign Council led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. <\/span><\/h1>\n

After an eight-year hiatus, Tehran and Khartoum resumed diplomatic relations in October 2023.<\/span><\/h1>\n

At the time, Sudan was, and still is, mired in a civil war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces, and Iran was looking for a new outlet on the Red Sea after its nuclear negotiations with Washington stalled. It wasn’t long before reports began to surface about Iranian weapons arriving via Port Sudan airport, which helped the army repel the advance of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo \u201cHemedti\u201d forces towards the capital. For Burhan, resuming relations with Tehran provided a lifeline, while for Tehran it seemed like a step forward in establishing a foothold on one of the world’s most important waterways and an open gateway to Africa.<\/span><\/h1>\n

From Khartoum to the Houthis:<\/span><\/h1>\n

The expansion of Iranian influence in Sudan was directly linked to the Houthi group. In September 2025, the Houthis carried out attacks on two ships near the Saudi port of Yanbu, about 600 miles off the coast of Yemen. The attacks showed that the Houthis had acquired new capabilities, according to observers who suggested that the Sudanese coast could become a platform for launching drones or small boats, thereby easing pressure on the Houthis in Hodeidah and Sana’a.<\/span><\/h1>\n

Fahd al-Sharfi, advisor to the Yemeni Minister of Information, said that Iran entered the fray after the Burhan government accused some Arab countries of supporting Hamidti’s forces and began sending shipments of weapons, especially drones and experts. \u201cWe have information about swarms of Hajar drones and anti-armor missiles that were transported in October 2024 to Sudan via Port Sudan airport,\u201d he adds.<\/span><\/h1>\n

According to experts, Sudan represents a strategic logistical extension for the Houthis. It allows them to store ammunition and spare parts away from pressure in Yemen and opens up smuggling routes across the Horn of Africa. Sudan also gives Iran the opportunity to influence international shipping and the vital Bab al-Mandab Strait, which increases tension in the region.<\/span><\/h1>\n

The roots of the relationship and the new return:<\/span><\/h1>\n

Sudan is not a recent addition to Iran’s calculations. Since the 1990s, its location on the Red Sea has been the focus of Iranian attention. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak warned Khartoum in 1993 against hosting an Iranian base. \u201cIf you establish an Iranian base in Port Sudan, I will strike you and I will not allow you or anyone else to do so,\u201d he said. But Omar al-Bashir ignored the warning and even defied it.<\/span><\/h1>\n

He opened the doors to the Revolutionary Guard, welcomed Iranian warships in 2011, and allowed weapons to pass through his territory to Hamas. The result was Arab and international isolation and US accusations that Khartoum was sponsoring terrorism.<\/span><\/h1>\n

Under pressure from international sanctions and internal crises, Sudan changed its alliances in 2014, shifting from Iran to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. It participated in the Riyadh-led military coalition in Yemen against the Houthis. In 2016, it severed ties with Iran in line with a similar Saudi decision.<\/span><\/h1>\n

After Bashir’s fall, and with the Chinese-brokered Saudi Iranian reconciliation agreement in 2023, Khartoum reopened the door to Tehran. The war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces provided justification for the move. Iran rushed to supply Burhan with weapons and experts, taking advantage of internal divisions and regional hesitation to decisively support either side in the Sudanese war.<\/span><\/h1>\n

Limits and boundaries of influence:<\/span><\/h1>\n

Despite apparent gains, Iranian influence in Sudan faces many obstacles. Yemeni Brigadier General Thabit Hussein Saleh believes that the Houthis are acting on Tehran’s instructions with the aim of establishing a new foothold in the region. \u201cBut I rule out Sudan becoming a permanent base due to internal resistance and regional and international rejection,\u201d he adds.<\/span><\/h1>\n

However, Saudi analyst Faisal al-Shimari warns that Houthi and Iranian expansion could have negative repercussions on the Sudanese interior. \u201cThis interference weakens the authority of the state and strengthens smuggling networks. The Houthis’ presence gives them logistical reach on the western shore of the Red Sea, but it remains fragile if there is regional will to stop it.\u201d<\/span><\/h1>\n

Reliance on fragile local understandings, in a country suffering from deep political division, makes any Iranian influence vulnerable to rapid exposure. The US and Israel also have a long record of strikes against arms smuggling networks in Sudan, most notably the bombing of facilities linked to the Revolutionary Guard in 2009.<\/span><\/h1>\n

The Red Sea: the most dangerous front<\/span><\/h1>\n

The Red Sea is the most sensitive theater of operations. Since 2023, the Houthis have escalated their attacks on commercial and military vessels, before announcing the cancellation of their truce with Washington and threatening companies such as ExxonMobil and Chevron. Al-Sharfi says that 2024 was \u201cthe most escalated since October 7. After the truce brokered by Oman, their activity declined, but the recent resumption of attacks, including the targeting of a US warship, indicates the possibility of a resumption of US strikes.\u201d<\/span><\/h1>\n

These attacks have prompted Washington to strengthen its naval alliances in the region, while Israel continues its strikes on Houthi logistics facilities in Hodeidah and Sana’a. All of this makes the Red Sea an open front for the possibility of a wider confrontation, which could extend to Sudan if it proves to be part of Iran’s support network. Sudan, if it is proven that it has become part of Iran’s support network.<\/span><\/h1>\n

<\/h1>\n

Between gain and burden:<\/span><\/h1>\n

Sudan today is not just an arena of internal conflict. It is a node in Iran’s network of influence stretching from Yemen to Lebanon. For the Houthis, Sudan is a window for expansion and a logistical haven. For Tehran, it is a bargaining chip against Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Israel, and a means of strengthening Iran’s presence in Africa.<\/span><\/h1>\n

But this influence remains fragile. Sudan’s internal divisions, the sensitivity of the Red Sea, and the apprehension of regional powers are all factors that make Iran and the Houthis’ ambitions in Sudan vulnerable to disruption. As Al-Shammari says, \u201cThe unstable situation in Sudan may turn out to be more of a burden than a gain for the Houthis.\u201d<\/span><\/h1>\n

Ultimately, the question is not only about Iran’s ability to establish a presence in Sudan, but also about the willingness of regional and international powers to leave this door open. Sudan may become a new base for the Houthis and Iran, or it may remain merely a stopover in the great power game over the Red Sea.<\/span><\/h1>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Report: Al-Hurra Planes landing at Port Sudan airport are not only carrying passengers and luggage; there are reports of shipments of drones and missiles. This is not just a scene from the war that has been raging in Sudan for more than two years; it goes far beyond that. 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This is not just a scene from the war that has been raging in Sudan for more than two years; it goes far beyond that. 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